Five decades after Lower Manhattan’s produce market was relocated to the Bronx to make room for the new World Trade Center, the fate of Hunts Point’s family-owned operations is once again uncertain.
“We’ve got a great view of Manhattan out here,” says Matthew D’Arrigo, first vice president of the Hunts Point Produce Market, the southeast Bronx site that is part of the world’s largest wholesale food distribution center. One bright Tuesday morning twelve years ago, as D’Arrigo climbed onto the market’s roof to take in the vista, the New York City skyline was transformed by heavy swells of smoke that streamed out from the Twin Towers against an otherwise cerulean sky.
Then, they fell.
Before construction of the World Trade Center began in 1966, space had to be cleared, and people and commerce moved. Among them were specialty purveyors of meat, fish and produce, many of them family businesses that had fed New York City from Washington Market in Lower Manhattan for 155 years. But commercial quarters, particularly of the produce trade at Washington Market, had become outmoded and unsanitary and in need of a modern restart. So the city built a new home just for the wholesale produce trade in Hunts Point, and more than a hundred family businesses, including the D’Arrigos’, were obligated to move. As a result, the Hunts Point Produce Market officially opened for business in the Bronx in 1967, and the Twin Towers opened on its former site in 1973.
When the WTC buildings were demolished on 9/11 and subsequently cleared, Ground Zero was formed: a symbolic space in both void and regeneration. D’Arrigo, 54, a third generation owner of D’Arrigo Bros. Co., took it all in atop the Bronx market—the outlying, albeit living memory of the storied New York fruit and vegetables trade. Now a new World Trade Center is rising on the very land upon which the D’Arrigos’ and more than a hundred other businesses—the royal families of produce, as it were—were built. The Hunts Point Produce Market, now 46 years old, remains hot as yearly revenues stampede towards $2.5 billion. But the market has reached a tipping point—one reminiscent of the very conditions that prompted a move to the Bronx in the first place— and family businesses such as the D’Arrigos’ could soon be on the move once again.
In order to match the ravenous demands of the New York metro area’s growing population—which has boomed from 16 million when the market opened to 23 million today—the facility’s round-the-clock operations have put a political and environmental strain on the Hunts Point neighborhood. Freight trucks headed to and from the wholesale markets cause major pollution in the area. According to a 2006 N.Y.U. study, Bronx children are twice as likely to attend a school situated near expressways where they can breathe in soot from diesel exhaust. As a result, the child asthma hospitalization rate is two to three times higher there than in other boroughs, prompting community groups to raise discussions about tearing down the market’s main traffic artery.
Issues remain inside the market as well. Despite its commercial success in the Bronx, the Hunts Point Produce Market, which rents space from the city, is in need of a much larger and more modern facility. A newly minted wholesale produce market in Philadelphia has begun to steal business because of its proximity and advanced facilities, while the nearly half-century old market has worn its current space down to the bone.
“We’ve been bursting for twenty years,” says D’Arrigo, a key cog in negotiations with city officials that will decide the Market’s future: stay put in the Bronx, retrofit and expand, or move—again.
And so, the produce trade in New York City is anxiously staring once again into the eye of change.
* * *
Billy Joel croons from above inside the D’Arrigo Bros. offices. The wood paneling in the waiting room is decorated with framed articles about the family business, particularly of Matthew’s father, Stephen D’Arrigo, patriarch, founder and CEO, who passed away at 79 on Independence Day, 2003. He was “first vice president” of the Market, a title his son holds today after stepping down as president this June. On the opposite wall, and protected by glass, are three large-scale print advertisements for the D’Arrigo-owned Andy Boy Broccoli label. The Rockwellian posters, designed by Matthew’s father and Boston advertising guru Harold Cabot, are Americana. In one, a young boy holds a bouquet of broccoli while kissing a girl on the cheek as she looks away, her hands resting at her hips. The tagline reads, “Fresh!”
“Those were [some of] the first advertisements ever on the subway,” says D’Arrigo while we sip morning coffee. “They date back to 1927 and I believe [it] was the first branded vegetable.”
D’Arrigo is of Sicilian descent, an embodiment of a storied lineage of Italian and Jewish families who have long dominated the New York City market scene.
“I consider Jews my cousins,” D’Arrigo says with an ear-to-ear smile. “An Italian and a Jew: there’s not enough air in the room for everybody to talk.”
In 1904, Andrea D’Arrigo, Matthew’s grandfather, then 16, emigrated from Messina, Sicily, to Boston via Ellis Island. His younger brother Stefano soon followed. Both learned English, earned engineering degrees and fought for the U.S. during World War I. When they returned stateside the brothers found work at a roadside produce market. In 1925, Stefano traveled to central California during a wine grape-buying trip and observed firsthand the land’s fertility. The brothers came up with an idea to expand business: broccoli. A year later Stefano sent 28 acres worth of broccoli 2,800 miles from San Jose to Boston via train—the first ever cross-country railcar of California fresh vegetables in U.S. history—and the Andy Boy label was born. On July 4, 1948, a third and final location for the D’Arrigo family business was established at 308 Washington Street in lower Manhattan, site of the now defunct Washington Market.
For more than a century and a half, Washington Market, named after the country’s first president, fed New York City. The heart of the market ran along Washington Street on the west side of Lower Manhattan, although its sprawling boundaries ran roughly from Murray Street on the South side, north to Canal Street, and extending from West Broadway at its easternmost point, all the way to West Street along the Hudson River. According to the official market history of the Hunts Point Terminal Produce Cooperative, the market dates to the turn of the nineteenth century, when food peddlers could be found selling in the Washington Street vicinity. From inside the antiquated stalls that lined the cobblestone streets, and from pushcarts and wagons, merchants sold butter, eggs, game, strawberries, fish, beef and much more.
By the mid-nineteenth century the area had become a filthy, manic health hazard and struggled to keep pace with growing demands for fresh produce. In the 1877 issue of Scribner’s Monthly, William H. Rideing noted that store owners would burn spoiled produce, such as lettuce leaves and rotten oranges, along with pieces of crating and piles of excelsior in barrels, in order to stay warm throughout the winter.
Congestion was also a major problem. Deliveries made by rail and ship, and intended for Washington Market as a final destination, were scattered at locations throughout Manhattan, Brooklyn and New Jersey. Items were then unloaded and re-packed onto delivery trucks headed to Washington Market. Deliveries typically occurred at the fronts of stores, which shared the street and often competed with heavy cross-town traffic, making these exchanges even more hectic. “Miraculously,” writes Gordon, “New York got fed.”
The market was rebuilt in 1880, and again in 1915, which allowed for improved flushing of sewage, storage, air circulation and sunlight. Yet even with these updated facilities, the market remained unsanitary and disorganized. The city continued to take on the market’s yearly deficit of $8,000.
Bronx Terminal Market was erected in 1929, which made deliveries to and from Washington Market easier. In 1941, the Market was modernized yet again, but by 1956, then-City Markets Commissioner Anthony Masciarelli said that shifting produce operations to the Bronx Terminal Market was “a most logical and centrally located point for this industry,” in large part because the Major Deegan and Cross Bronx Expressways provided roadway connections to Queens and New Jersey, and there was direct railroad access for shippers.
The final death knell for Washington Market came in the form of a plan to build a massive center of commerce in Lower Manhattan. To make room for the Twin Towers, 487 produce merchants from Washington Market were offered a new home in Hunts Point, then described by The New York Times as “a marshy no-man’s land on the shores of the Bronx River.”
On August 21, 1965, during a visit to Washington Market, Markets Commissioner Albert S. Pacetta said to a crowd of both supporters and detractors that a move to the Bronx would save the city more than $10 million a year on spoilage alone. A New York Times article printed the next day offers an account of fishmongers and marketers shouting in disagreement at Pacetta as he was leaving the market, warning, “Count your fingers.”
But by then the multi-storied buildings that housed Washington Market’s food businesses were “so decrepit that 80% of their assessed valuation was the value of the land on which they stood,” writes Gordon. It was a foregone conclusion: Washington Market and the area once called “Hell’s Hundred Acres” by deputy mayor Edward F. Cavanagh would give way for the lucrative skyscrapers that would come to symbolize downtown Manhattan.
On March 6, 1967, the New York City Terminal Market was officially opened and America’s largest fresh fruit and vegetable wholesale distribution center was born. The market gave New York’s economy a boost because taxes and employment were anchored to the city, while the new facilities enabled larger and faster trade and less waste. Additionally, competition was fierce: by concentrating the economic forces of supply and demand in one area, quality and price were assured.
“We had 125 people in the beginning,” says D’Arrigo. “The fruit auction didn’t move. They thought they were going to survive without the wholesale market. A year later they moved up here but they had already lost the thread and that went bye-bye. Strength in numbers.”
D’Arrigo speaks with an alternating blend of drawn-out emphases and staccato assertions. He’s fit and bald with a hint of the actor Stanley Tucci and often arrives at his office when nine-to-fivers are just waking up. He dons a headset while operating two landlines, a cell phone and a desktop.
“Hang on Big Al,” he says into the headset, picking up a second line.
“You’re babysitting the stuff, D’Arrigo says of his product. “It’s cheap, it’s perishable, [and] takes up a lot of room.”
He offers me a pallet of blackberries—that’s one ton—for free. It’s tongue-in-cheek if only for his assumption that I’m not driving a semi. A shipment of strawberries, one with more longevity than the “older” blackberries, was on its way in and he needed the room.
* * *
The fresh food supply for 23 million metropolitan New Yorkers depends on three fascinating and goliath facilities: Hunts Point Produce Market, Hunts Point Meat Market—which had spanned Washington Market and Gansevoort Market in the Meatpacking District before moving to the Bronx in 1974—and the New Fulton Fish Market, which relocated to the Bronx in 2005 after 183 years along the East River at South Street Seaport.
The Grand Central Station of Broccoli, as the market was deemed by New York Times reporter McCandlish Phillips shortly after opening, supplies 8.4 million New York City residents with 60% of their daily fruit and vegetables. Typically everything that comes into the wholesale market is moved out within 24 to 48 hours.
“The make-up of a berry,” says D’Arrigo, “is to not let it sit around for more than a day [once] it gets here. You want it in and you want it out.”
For New Yorkers and their food, “local” means “Bronx.” Far from fancy Manhattan bistros, display merchandising and coined marketing, these massive food complexes remain an unseen and unknown commodity for most New Yorkers.
This mystery begins along Food Center Drive. Out the window of an empty and idling Bx6 bus—the necessary transfer from the 6 train in order to arrive at the market—a Delta flight rises from LaGuardia Airport through a peaked sun above the East River. Below it is the Vernon C. Bain Correctional Center, a 100-cell, 800-bed, medium- to maximum-security prison barge, an extension of New York City’s main jail complex on Rikers Island, just a stone’s throw away. The Hunts Point Produce Market remains the largest employer in the Bronx where, according to the 2010 U.S. Census, 28% of residents live below the poverty line, almost double that of New York City’s population as a whole. According to D’Arrigo, around 7,000 people work here, either for the market, for the firms based here, or as part of what he calls “the buying crowd.”
The neighborhood does not have the best of reputations, in part because a bevy of news and entertainment outlets portray the area as ridden with crime, poverty, drugs and prostitution. Beginning in 2002, HBO aired the documentary series “Hookers At The Point,” which depicted the lives of prostitutes, many who were struggling with drug addictions, and their experiences with a range of clientele. HBO ceased its broadcast in 2010 after the Bronx borough president complained to network executives that the series presented an unrealistic and outdated image of an area long in the process of an environmental and cultural revitalization. That recent revitalization has included efforts from organizations such as The Point Community Development Corporation, which aims to empower at-risk youth. Also planned: dedicated clean air and water treatment solutions, and the South Bronx Greenway, a long-reaching series of natural habitats and parks along the East River, several components of which have already been completed, that will link the Hunts Point neighborhood to the waterfront.
As I step down from the bus to approach the produce market compound, the driver wishes me goodbye, aware of my intentions to see what this place is all about. “They see you snoopin’ around in there,” he says, “it’s no good.”
Dunk-height walls encase the market, barricading it from the airy industrial landscape outside. The walls run for miles, lining the market in alternating shades of faded concrete and striated sheet metal. Atop the barriers, thick plastic knots caught in chicken wire ripple in bursts like bugs gasping in futility for attention in a spider web. Across the street the affect of cartoon murals, perhaps painted to enliven the atmosphere, have aged into faded neglect, usurped by graffiti and swallowed into the tarmac surroundings. Junkyards, auto body shops, waste-processing facilities, parking stations, strip clubs, prisons, delis and pizza parlors—neighbors of the produce market—are open for business, many 24/7. I spot “Hoffa 2006” stickers plastered to signs and lampposts.
Next to the pedestrian entrance a mustached man idles, his boot kicked against the wall. His arm rests on a stack of boxes stamped “SWEET FUYU PERSIMMONS” that are branded with an instructional motto: “Eat Hard Like An Apple.” He puffs a cigarette, stamps it out, and loads his take into the back of a friend’s SUV before driving off.
As I approach the access booth, an 18-wheeler zooms by from the Sheridan Expressway, the market’s primary traffic artery. From behind glass, a security officer informs me that there’s no entering the premises unless I know with which wholesaler I’ll be conducting business.
I don’t know. A truck whizzes behind her.
“A & J Produce,” I say.
“A & J?”
“Yep. A & J.”
“I need your ID and three bucks. It’s number two twenty-three.”
And I’m in.
An MTA-like turnstile lets out onto an expanse of sun-bleached asphalt. To the left, a tollbooth serves as a main entrance for motor vehicles. Each year, 130,000 trucks come in and out of the Bronx behemoth. The terminal market was constructed to primarily receive rail and can accommodate 400 railcars at a time. Aged but functional rusty Union Pacific cars can be seen idling. According to Joel Fierman, the sleepy-eyed former president of the co-operative, the market facilitates visits from about 1,000 vans on a large day and 400 on a slower one. Produce arrives by boat and air from 49 states (all but Alaska) and 55 countries.
There’s an ordered chaos to parking, as security vehicles, employee cars, semis and small trucks abut like a transportation melting pot. As a result, the market looks more like a vehicular depot than the urban produce forest I had romantically envisioned.
Drivers have complained about ankle-deep puddles that form during rainstorms at the foot of the market’s lots due to uneven surfaces. Along the perimeters, pigeons can be seen waddling in small muddy piles of rotten or spilled produce and the vestiges of morning cigarette fixes. Consequently, the complex is cleaned on a daily basis. Market sanitation involves the picking up of wet waste on the streets, including produce, plastics and pieces of wood. Magnets attached to street sweepers pick up the rest, such as the nails that fall out of pallets during movement to and from the market’s 18,000 pallet positions.
“Years ago flat tires were all the talk of the market,” says Myra Gordon, the executive administrative director for Hunts Point Produce Market. “Not so anymore.”
The terminal produce market sits on 113 acres of land. Wholesale business operations occur within four main buildings—rows A through D—with the produce trade occurring along the platform floors, which run parallel to one another like the tines of a fork. The office corridors are narrow and mostly sunless, and metal doors are painted dark, separated by cool-to-the-touch off-white walls, reminiscent of a plain and impregnable detention ward. Traipsing down the deep, Shining-like hallways is disorientating. I get lost while searching for Gordon, an employee of two-and-a-half decades, who occupies an office above the Row A platform. I’m told she’s the one to go to—about everything.
Fifty yards away, a small woman charges in my direction, her shoes audibly commanding the tiles below. Mrs. Gordon’s eyes beam upward and lock onto mine. “Are you looking for me?”
Gordon runs the administrative duties for the market and has been here 27 years. She reminds me of my grandmother—a person whose eyes communicate wanting-the-best for you; who’s perhaps graying; whose pressed lapels showcase a lineup of shiny brooches; who gracefully gets it done. Her default expression, as seen during periods of virtuous listening, is an open-mouthed smile. I wonder how long she’ll keep it up.
“At some point, in order to be fair to this place, I would not be able to do this humongous job,” Gordon says. “[It] really should be someone who’s a specialist in workers’ comp, general liability—I do all of that—[and] someone who is a specialist in public relations.”
Gordon’s office, much like the hallways, is stuck in time. It smells of kitty litter and vintage perfume. Papers are strewn this way and that. There’s a typewriter. And resting in the corner is a tan fabric couch fashioned with two pillows, each with its own sewn-on vegetable design—one eggplant, one carrot.
She makes a phone call.
“…[C]orned beef sandwiches with lettuce and tomato. No mayonnaise. Now read that back to me.”
A fourth role, apparently, is taking charge of catering for an upcoming meeting.
“It’s a cacophony out here,” Gordon says as we walk the Row A platform together one afternoon. “The faster you get [produce] in here, the faster you get it sold. It’s like the running of the bulls.”
Indeed it is. Manual pallet cars and forklift trucks own the space. The siding of one is fashioned with a bikini-clad centerfold ripped from a magazine and plastered onto the hard metal. At times it’s ankle-severing traffic. People are everywhere. Signs warn NO JACK RIDING! In places the concrete flooring is relatively clean. In others, where it’s wet and grimy, a dark slime outlines footprints and wheel marks—crisscrossed impressions of the processes at work, of people fed.
In total, Hunts Point Produce Market boasts one million square feet of interior space. Along the four platforms are 270 store units, each 1,500 square feet, the same size they were at Washington Market. According to D’Arrigo, whose family company is the market’s largest lessee, what was originally 125 merchants is now 41.
Produce is everywhere. Most fruits and vegetables look familiar, although I’m reliant on box labeling to identify some, such as rutabaga. The leafy greens are plush-to-the-touch and full of color; strawberries, plump and plentiful; persimmons, interesting and shiny; the Andy Boy-brand broccoli boasts stalks like redwoods trunks.
“New York has a very sophisticated eating population,” says Gordon. “There are 23,000 restaurants in the city but the average consumer doesn’t know. Kids in New York think their produce is grown on the shelf of the supermarket.”
“What’s that?” I ask, pointing to a box of what I would learn are cassavas.
“That’s a root vegetable,” she says. “A poor person’s item.”
Inside the warehouses are remarkable displays of specialized produce and processes. One Fierman Produce Exchange unit contains huge stacks of onion and potato sacks—items referred to as “hardware” because of their long shelf life—climbing nearly to the warehouse ceiling, requiring a forklift to bring them down. Inside the E. Armata tomato facility a long stainless steel machine manned by a handful of employees sorts the fruit based on their size and stage of ripening as they’re conveyed up a ridged metallic ramp. The process of separating the green tomatoes from the orange-pink, and yellows from the reds, enables a wholesaler to provide a more consistent product to match the demands of different types of clients. Delis, for example, require a particular size and color of tomato for slicing.
“Five-six is the [size] of a bigger tomato. Six-six is smaller. Six-seven is small,” says D’Arrigo. We only handle five-sixes here. This market only handles big size fruit. It doesn’t like small fruit.”
In front of the wholesaler warehouses are several logistics booths wherein orders are filled and sales are made in all directions: from suppliers to wholesalers, or from wholesalers to buyers, such as specialty purveyors, supermarkets, restaurants or even the sidewalk merchants who populate intersections across Manhattan. Depending on the size of the load, merchandise is transported from warehouses by hand, or (more commonly) mechanically across the platform, and reared into open-ended vehicles, some of which exhibit tags from NYC’s lower echelon of spray paint talent. From there, it’s marketed and resold amongst the general population.
“This is a night market,” says Gordon, waving to the rows of workers who greet her along the Row A platform. The healthy pace of the busy afternoon market we walk through pales in comparison to the fervent market activity that occurs from around 10 p.m. to sunrise.
“[It’s] a true marketplace,” says D’Arrigo—pure supply and demand—and there are no posted prices. As a result, it’s buyers versus sellers. Prices are generally higher earlier in the evening, and fall off after the highest-quality produce has been sold.
“You don’t sell your older product at ten at night,” says D’Arrigo. “You’re selling off the fresh stuff cause that’s what they want.”
As night turns to day, vendors look to see what haven’t sold, and why, and prices shift downward. “You’re doing your inventory control,” says D’Arrigo. “You’re troubleshooting, and you’re pushing stuff out. That’s when you see prices drop down, because it didn’t work at the market price so you gotta get it out of the door at a lesser price. Produce doesn’t [just] go from good to bad. It goes from good to not so good and then to average and then to, ‘Oh well we’re in trouble here.’ And then at the end you’re going to the guy at $3 who gets it out and repackages the whole damn thing and it ends up on a pushcart on Madison Avenue.”
“We are the number one salvage seller in America by far…by far,” says D’Arrigo. “People run to New York to get rid of it. They send us the extras. We’re the biggest in terms of selling waste product and cheaper product because of the peddler’s trade that’s in the marketplace. In Detroit or somewhere else—buyer’s markets—they throw it in the garbage. Those are firm price markets. We’re a very gray area market.”
Much of that overflow goes to local charities like City Harvest and NYC Food Bank, as well as to numerous schools in Hunts Point and around the Bronx.
“There are 250 charities in the Bronx [and] we probably donate to a good percentage of them,” says Gordon as we near the end of the tour. “If a school is having a Christmas party at the end of the year, they’ll come to us.”
“I have a rule of thumb,” D’Arrigo adds. “If I [donated produce] last year, I’m doing it again this year.”
* * *
Once again the Hunts Point Produce Market has reached a historic identity crisis, this time fraying at the seams of LBJ-era modernity. The 45-year-old facility has been pushed to the brink for a number of reasons, and the opening of the Philadelphia Wholesale Produce Market, just 100 miles south in January 2011, offering typically-Hunts Point customers a shiny geographic alternative—and a picture of what could be—applies even more pressure.
Neighborhood politicians have continually lobbied to demap the Sheridan Expressway, which, according to D’Arrigo, brings in 90% of the Market’s traffic, in order to build parks, develop real estate, and improve public health. In 2011, the U.S. Department of Transportation gave the city $1.5M to research potential outcomes of tearing down the mile-and-a-quarter long connector. “If we remove the Sheridan [truck drivers] have only one other way to go,” says D’Arrigo. He explains a circuitous route that involves the Major Deegan Expressway, I-87, the GW Bridge, “double-backing” and an extremely difficult ramp turn. “Plus, it’s a bad idea locally.”
In 2004, a study was conducted to assess opportunities for waterborne freight as a major shipping option in Hunts Point—which would shift transportation of food throughout the city from the roads to the rivers.
D’Arrigo says this isn’t a viable option, as it would add another day to shipments. “It can’t be for time-sensitive stuff,” he says. “A boat doesn’t move as fast as a truck.”
The Sheridan handles about 50,000 vehicles on a daily basis, most of which are doing business with the produce market. In 1998, a six-year-old girl was struck dead by what one Hunts Point community member has called, in The New York Times, the “killer trucks.” Last spring, in an apparent negotiating tactic, D’Arrigo inferred that if the Sheridan were razed it would be added incentive to move market operations elsewhere. Shortly thereafter the city nixed the usage of federal money to investigate tearing down the expressway.
There have been some efforts at compromise, such as the Hunts Point Clean Trucks Program, an initiative led by the New York City Department of Transportation. The program aims to replace older trucks that do business with Hunts Point facilities, with more modern, eco-friendly vehicles that adhere to cleaner engine emission standards.
Most pressing that the truck situation, however—at least for those who work at the market— is the fact that the Hunts Point Produce Market quite simply needs more space in order to serve the demands of the ever-growing population of greater New York. There are two apparent choices on the table: stay in the Bronx, where merchants currently pay the city $4.5M in annual rent, or go elsewhere.
To remain in the Bronx, an estimated $320M deal is under discussion that would renovate and retrofit current structures—and build more—but talks between New York City Economic Development Corp. and HPPM officials have continually seesawed.
“I would say we’re in a dormancy,” says D’Arrigo.
Renovations would ameliorate the Market’s current rail system, expand refrigeration operations, and add more pallet spaces to facilitate the movement of produce in and out of the market.
“[We’d] build row E and F,” D’Arrigo said in early 2012, “which would hold about 30,000 new pallet positions (for nearly 50,000 in total).”
The City, which owns the 105-acre plot of land on which the market operates, had originally agreed to put up $150 million from a variety of city, state, and federal sources and in September 2012, pledged another $25M, bringing its contribution to roughly half the cost of the proposed overhaul. In January 2013, the market’s merchants rejected a 10-year deal to remain in Hunts Point, in part because, as D’Arrigo told The Packer in March, “we feel we haven’t had the most crucial issue to us addressed properly by the city, [which is] the future role the Business Integrity Commission will take in regulating our market.”
Following this, New Jersey Lt. Governor Kim Guadagno said in a statement: “I look forward to continuing to work with Hunts Point to persuade them New Jersey is a great alternative to their cramped and outdated facilities in the Bronx.” In 1960, before the move to Hunts Point, New Jersey had attempted to woo New York’s produce vendors to Jersey City, as they faced similar conditions.
“[N]o one knows what the future will bring,” says D’Arrigo.
The Business Integrity Commission (BIC) was created during the Giuliani years as a trade/waste commission and then became an organized crime and control operation. It generally acts as a regulatory watchdog for the market, keeping vigilance on the inner workings of market activity, including employees, but the co-operative has stated that it believes BIC is overreaching on its authority. One point of contention, according to D’Arrigo, is that the commission would like to potentially regulate the market’s hours of operation and, according to a 2012 Times report, produce operators complained the commission was “showering delivery and storage trucks with parking tickets.”
A 2006 BIC investigation called “Operation Rotten Apple” linked eleven people to a sports betting outfit that generated an estimated $200,000 in profit yearly. The Police Commission, and ultimately the press, pinned the gambling ring to a mob-backed wholesaler at the produce market. This in turned shined a negative light on the market, displaying it in ink as corrupt and chaotic. “It wasn’t even a co-op member,” says D’Arrigo. “[The press] was very misleading. They called this guy ‘one of the largest wholesalers’ up in Hunts Point and he’s not even a wholesaler in the market. He’s a purveyor customer who delivers delicatessens. They slimed us.” He shakes his head and laughs. “I’ve been here 27, 28 years. There are no mobsters here. I always say there’s disorganized crime in the market.”
While BIC has been a thorn in the market’s side, the co-operative can surely appreciate a desire to maintain order. The urgency of the experiences during 9/11 has instilled a deeper need to ensure safety for the food distribution processes at hand. Since then the market has taken precautions, among them the retraining of Department of Public Safety officials who now carry pistols, employing NYC Peace Officers, and instituting a special counsel for building risk management.
“Delivery was a nightmare [on 9/11],” recalls Joel Fierman, a fourth generation owner. “Trucks would get stopped and inspected everywhere [and] come back 12 hours later. Shippers would call and ask, ‘What do you need?’ and I would tell them, ‘I’m not sure I need anything.’”
D’Arrigo calls it “a paradigm shift in thinking.”
The existence of food systems such as Hunts Point means that we don’t have to forage for ourselves anymore. In times of hunger, we shop, not garden. So what would have to happen to change the way we view our eating realities, from a passive standpoint—i.e. how we are fed—to an active, even carnal one, i.e. how we feed? One answer: crisis. The wholesale distribution facilities at Hunts Point are concentrated, more or less abutting each other, so what ills affect one could likely strike its neighbor(s). The lessons of 9/11—here, of the potentiality of the destruction of an entire food complex—are stark. In times of emergency, if the system collapses or the well runs dry because of evils—disasters natural or otherwise—are we prepared to fend for ourselves as a society, a city, a borough, a family, an individual? Gordon guesses that there’s enough food supply in New York City to last anywhere from 2.5 to four days. How will countless New Yorkers be fed after that’s been tapped?
Gordon offers history and a different type of crisis—war—as insight. “During World War we didn’t have the ability to feed a major population because your farmers were off dedicated to the effort,” she says. In turn, families planted “victory gardens” (aka “war gardens”) at home or in public parks to ease the pressure on the public food supply. The Department of Agriculture marketed these self-supported gardens as morale boosters; “green” propaganda for the greater good that today, in a sense, takes on the rhetorical and ethical shape of “sustainability.” The New York metropolitan area, however, is not the farmland it once was. Furthermore, the average New Yorker’s understanding of growing produce extends perhaps just beyond a grade-school ability to place a seed down a Dixie cup and water on occasion.
“The consumer today is not the consumer of yesterday,” says Gordon. “Don’t forget we were very much an agrarian economy a hundred years ago. My father came from a farming family in Farmington, New Jersey. When I first moved into my house [he] came up and was going to tell me how to weed. I was pulling these weeds and he [said], ‘That’s shav!’ and I said, ‘no, it’s a weed, it’s killing my lawn!’ When you were poor you could pick shav, this little green thingie that grew along the roadways, and make soup with it. It’s very nourishing.”
As D’Arrigo and his coworkers are well aware, crisis could always be just around the corner. During Hurricane Sandy the Market’s parking lots were flooded, but the cement platform and warehouses were protected because the base of the market’s buildings are four feet high and serve as a sort of architectural moor
Perhaps a more pressing issue than flooding is the possibility of a power outage. D’Arrigo says emergency generator power is being discussed as part of the talks with NYCEDC, as losing refrigeration for an extended period could cause tons of produce to spoil.
Despite any disasters that come their way, the Hunts Point Produce Market continues to feed the City That Never Sleeps with consistency. This is in large part because family businesses like the D’Arrigos’ have operated seamlessly in different locales for over one hundred years.
One of the vintage Andy Boy ads in D’Arrigo’s office shows a strawberry-blonde-haired girl in white tights and a flower-print dress watering a potted head of broccoli that comes up to her waist. In her right hand is a dirty trowel. The tagline reads: “The only way you can get it fresher.” Indeed.
D’Arrigo speaks vulnerably of his “quite eccentric” mother who, at 87, still walks five miles a day and recently took her twelve grandchildren on a five-day camping trip along the Colorado River. “After the move to Hunts Point, my mother drove over to the old [D’Arrigo] offices at 308 Washington St. where my dad’s old building was, took bricks from the torn-down building, [and] packed it in the back of [her] station wagon. With a little cement mixture we built this little terrace in the backyard. It’s still there.”
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Jonathan Zalman is a New York-based journalist, editor and teacher. His work has appeared in the Wall Street Journal, Produce Business and on ESPN.com. Connect with him on Twitter @ZalmanJ, or email him at firstname.lastname@example.org.
Emon Hassan, Narratively’s Director of Video & Multimedia, is a New York-based filmmaker and photographer. He is also a contributor to The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and The Atlantic. You can follow him on Twitter, Facebook & Google+.